Posting in progress...
Feb. 6th, 2016 00:34![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png){kind=small}
sov0k1. Human is a collective, and the so called "person" objectively does not exist. Likewise, in reality, there is no so called "god" or the so called "soul" (in relation to the latter term, the term "person" is a euphemism).
It's clear, that the illusion of "person" emerges along the illusion of "free will" in the individual brain of a separately taken ape of a certain species when it finds itself in a certain environment, of which an essential element for the apes, as well as for all the political animal species, consists in the social relations of the specimens within the collective.
That is, "human" - in relation to each specific ape called Joe Doe or Vasya Pupkin is environment. And those very Joe Doe and Vasya Pupkin are "humans" only so long as they are part of that environment for the rest of the members of a given collective of the species called Homo sapiens.
In fact, any allusion to the so called "person" is, at best, a birthmark of anthropocentrism on the body of scientific world outlook.
2. Sapience and reason cannot be a property of a single member of a collective (or of a nonexistent "person"). Sapience and reason may (or may not) be a property only of a collective taken as a whole. Sapience and reason may emerge out of and continue to exist in the social relations within a collective. Naturally, emergence and existence of sapience and reason require that the collective consisted of specimens with suitable (powerful enough) brains. Yet this is only a necessary, but not the sufficient condition. Without enough number of specimens with powerful enough brains organized via certain social relations into an intraspecimen neural network, no semblance of sapience and reason can emerge and maintain itself.
3. The only actual concept of the so called "freedom" is when it is defined as the realization of necessity via reason and sapience. From which it follows that "human freedom" may be attainable only at the level of a collective. And then again, without collective, free or not, there is no human at all.
n+1. A revolutionary is a doomed man. He has no interests of his own, no business, no feelings, no attachments, no property, not even a name. All in him is consumed by a single exceptional interest, the sole thought, the sole passion: revolution.
The nature of a true revolutionary precludes any romanticism, sensibility, rapturousness and ecstasy. It precludes even personal grudges and vengeance. The revolutionary passion must become incessant everyday mood in him and combine itself with cold calculation. Always and everywhere he must refrain from doing what his personal desires might be inclining him to do, but do what the general interest of the revolution demands of him.
Rigorous towards himself, he must be rigorous towards others as well. All tender and pampering feelings of kinship, friendliness, love, gratitude, and even honor must be crushed in him with the sole cold passion for the revolutionary cause. He has only one comfort, solace, reward and satisfaction - the ultimate and total victory of the revolution.
n+2. A revolutionary, not only in words, but both in action and deep down in his conscience, has broken all connection to the bourgeois order and the entire so called civil society, to all laws, proprieties, conventionalities and morality of this society. Towards it he is a sworn, relentless and merciless enemy, and he keeps living in this society only to bring it closer to its destruction. Living in this society, a revolutionary must maintain secrecy about his true face and pretend to be what he is not. Revolutionaries must infiltrate all layers and institutions of this society - banks, corporations, armies, police, government bureaucracy, public media, art, churches, mobs etc. - in order to, when the right time comes, betray all that to the revolutionary cause.
A revolutionary despises public opinion. He despises and loathes the present day morality in all its motives and displays. To him, everything that contributes to the victory of the revolution is moral; everything that delays it is an immoral offense and enormity.
Ruthless against the state and the bourgeois society, he expects no mercy from them for himself. Between them and the revolutionaries a war of extermination is ongoing, either an open or a concealed one, but continuous and irreconcilable. Every day a revolutionary must be ready for death and torture.
A revolutionary is a doomed man. It falls upon the future generations to build the world anew, whereas the task of the present generation of revolutionaries - born yet in the old world and exposed to all its vices - is its complete destruction. From this it follows that the present generation of revolutionaries must perish with the old world, and not a single one of them will live to behold the oncoming of the bright future of the cosmocratic proletarian society with his own eyes.
One, who values kinship, friendship, romantic love, or love of anything so much that it can stop his hand from exacting the revolutionary sentence upon this old world, is not a revolutionary.
n+3. A comrade of a revolutionary can only be such a man who has actively proved that he shares the revolutionary cause. The measure of friendship, loyalty and the rest of obligations in relation towards a comrade is defined by his utility to the cause of the revolution.
The strength of the revolutionary cause is in the solidarity of the revolutionaries. Revolutionary comrades sharing the same level of strategic and tactical understanding should, if possible, discuss all important affairs together and decide on them unanimously. In execution of plans thus decided upon, everyone must be able to rely on himself.
Every comrade should have a troop of second and third rate revolutionaries (that is, not fully initiated). He must regard them as the part of the common revolutionary resource pool put in his individual discretion. He must expend this part of resources economically, trying to achieve maximum utility. Likewise, he regards himself as a resource as well, meant to be spent on the revolutionary cause. Only he cannot expend himself by his individual choice without consent of a committee of the fully initiated comrades.
If a comrade falls in trouble, revolutionaries must decide whether to save him not on the basis of some personal feelings, but only on the basis of advancing the revolutionary cause. Therefore they have to weigh the usefulness of the comrade, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the expenditure of the revolutionary resources necessary to get him out of trouble. Whichever proves to be higher, that should decide the course of action.
n+4. The same measure of usefulness for the revolutionary cause is to be applied to the enemies of the revolution. Some of them may be intimidated or blackmailed into serving the revolutionaries' orders, to do the "dirty work" or whatever is necessitated by the current political situation and the tactics of the revolutionary organization. Sometimes a worst bourgeois scoundrel may become useful by the very power of mass hatred he is capable of inciting with his reactionary politics, driving the masses to open revolt, while himself being quite clueless of ways to really harm the revolutionary organization.
Some doctrinaire liberal or social-fascist good-for-nothing pseudo-progressive types need to be pushed forward to become decoys upon whom the retribution of the bourgeois regime falls, missing the true revolutionaries who present the only real danger for that regime. When most of these types go into oblivion, some may be remolded by the regime's wrath into third an second rate revolutionaries.
It's clear, that the illusion of "person" emerges along the illusion of "free will" in the individual brain of a separately taken ape of a certain species when it finds itself in a certain environment, of which an essential element for the apes, as well as for all the political animal species, consists in the social relations of the specimens within the collective.
That is, "human" - in relation to each specific ape called Joe Doe or Vasya Pupkin is environment. And those very Joe Doe and Vasya Pupkin are "humans" only so long as they are part of that environment for the rest of the members of a given collective of the species called Homo sapiens.
In fact, any allusion to the so called "person" is, at best, a birthmark of anthropocentrism on the body of scientific world outlook.
2. Sapience and reason cannot be a property of a single member of a collective (or of a nonexistent "person"). Sapience and reason may (or may not) be a property only of a collective taken as a whole. Sapience and reason may emerge out of and continue to exist in the social relations within a collective. Naturally, emergence and existence of sapience and reason require that the collective consisted of specimens with suitable (powerful enough) brains. Yet this is only a necessary, but not the sufficient condition. Without enough number of specimens with powerful enough brains organized via certain social relations into an intraspecimen neural network, no semblance of sapience and reason can emerge and maintain itself.
3. The only actual concept of the so called "freedom" is when it is defined as the realization of necessity via reason and sapience. From which it follows that "human freedom" may be attainable only at the level of a collective. And then again, without collective, free or not, there is no human at all.
n+1. A revolutionary is a doomed man. He has no interests of his own, no business, no feelings, no attachments, no property, not even a name. All in him is consumed by a single exceptional interest, the sole thought, the sole passion: revolution.
The nature of a true revolutionary precludes any romanticism, sensibility, rapturousness and ecstasy. It precludes even personal grudges and vengeance. The revolutionary passion must become incessant everyday mood in him and combine itself with cold calculation. Always and everywhere he must refrain from doing what his personal desires might be inclining him to do, but do what the general interest of the revolution demands of him.
Rigorous towards himself, he must be rigorous towards others as well. All tender and pampering feelings of kinship, friendliness, love, gratitude, and even honor must be crushed in him with the sole cold passion for the revolutionary cause. He has only one comfort, solace, reward and satisfaction - the ultimate and total victory of the revolution.
n+2. A revolutionary, not only in words, but both in action and deep down in his conscience, has broken all connection to the bourgeois order and the entire so called civil society, to all laws, proprieties, conventionalities and morality of this society. Towards it he is a sworn, relentless and merciless enemy, and he keeps living in this society only to bring it closer to its destruction. Living in this society, a revolutionary must maintain secrecy about his true face and pretend to be what he is not. Revolutionaries must infiltrate all layers and institutions of this society - banks, corporations, armies, police, government bureaucracy, public media, art, churches, mobs etc. - in order to, when the right time comes, betray all that to the revolutionary cause.
A revolutionary despises public opinion. He despises and loathes the present day morality in all its motives and displays. To him, everything that contributes to the victory of the revolution is moral; everything that delays it is an immoral offense and enormity.
Ruthless against the state and the bourgeois society, he expects no mercy from them for himself. Between them and the revolutionaries a war of extermination is ongoing, either an open or a concealed one, but continuous and irreconcilable. Every day a revolutionary must be ready for death and torture.
A revolutionary is a doomed man. It falls upon the future generations to build the world anew, whereas the task of the present generation of revolutionaries - born yet in the old world and exposed to all its vices - is its complete destruction. From this it follows that the present generation of revolutionaries must perish with the old world, and not a single one of them will live to behold the oncoming of the bright future of the cosmocratic proletarian society with his own eyes.
One, who values kinship, friendship, romantic love, or love of anything so much that it can stop his hand from exacting the revolutionary sentence upon this old world, is not a revolutionary.
n+3. A comrade of a revolutionary can only be such a man who has actively proved that he shares the revolutionary cause. The measure of friendship, loyalty and the rest of obligations in relation towards a comrade is defined by his utility to the cause of the revolution.
The strength of the revolutionary cause is in the solidarity of the revolutionaries. Revolutionary comrades sharing the same level of strategic and tactical understanding should, if possible, discuss all important affairs together and decide on them unanimously. In execution of plans thus decided upon, everyone must be able to rely on himself.
Every comrade should have a troop of second and third rate revolutionaries (that is, not fully initiated). He must regard them as the part of the common revolutionary resource pool put in his individual discretion. He must expend this part of resources economically, trying to achieve maximum utility. Likewise, he regards himself as a resource as well, meant to be spent on the revolutionary cause. Only he cannot expend himself by his individual choice without consent of a committee of the fully initiated comrades.
If a comrade falls in trouble, revolutionaries must decide whether to save him not on the basis of some personal feelings, but only on the basis of advancing the revolutionary cause. Therefore they have to weigh the usefulness of the comrade, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the expenditure of the revolutionary resources necessary to get him out of trouble. Whichever proves to be higher, that should decide the course of action.
n+4. The same measure of usefulness for the revolutionary cause is to be applied to the enemies of the revolution. Some of them may be intimidated or blackmailed into serving the revolutionaries' orders, to do the "dirty work" or whatever is necessitated by the current political situation and the tactics of the revolutionary organization. Sometimes a worst bourgeois scoundrel may become useful by the very power of mass hatred he is capable of inciting with his reactionary politics, driving the masses to open revolt, while himself being quite clueless of ways to really harm the revolutionary organization.
Some doctrinaire liberal or social-fascist good-for-nothing pseudo-progressive types need to be pushed forward to become decoys upon whom the retribution of the bourgeois regime falls, missing the true revolutionaries who present the only real danger for that regime. When most of these types go into oblivion, some may be remolded by the regime's wrath into third an second rate revolutionaries.
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no subject
Date: 2016-02-07 17:33 (UTC)